A series of scandals suggest that YouTube is having difficulty coping with the volume and diversity of the content it is hosting, recommending and monetising. In adverts were found running alongside violent videos made by Islamic State. That prompted big brands to remove advertising for a while. The same year young boys and girls were found in videos that appeared abusive or salacious and which were recommended millions of times before offending channels were shut down.
In early PewDiePie, who had 53m subscribers then the most of any channel , was reported to have made anti-Semitic references in his videos. PewDiePie, whose real name is Felix Kjellberg, apologised; YouTube dropped him from a lucrative advertiser programme, but he was allowed to remain on the site.
Later in he used a racial slur about black people and apologised again. He has now amassed 95m subscribers. Politicians at first paid only passing attention to much of this. After the presidential election in America in public ire was mostly directed at Facebook over fake news and breaches of privacy, as well as enabling hate groups.
But since last year YouTube itself has come under fire for providing an outlet for hateful figures from the alt-right and for promoting all sorts of conspiracy nuts with its recommendations, including flat Earthers and anti-vaxxers.
YouTube has now disabled comments on most videos that feature children. As a result, criticism of YouTube has intensified. Like Facebook and Twitter, it is accused of merely reacting when specific problems are exposed by the media or activists, but not before its algorithm has served up offending content millions of times. Users lap it up with gusto, training the algorithms to serve more of it, and so on.
But the goal remains the same—to keep people on the site as long as possible and maximise profits. With that as a starting point platforms have nevertheless regulated themselves, recognising that they would otherwise face repercussions for not acting responsibly.
They began by setting guidelines for what could not be posted or shared—targeted hate speech, pornography and the like—and punished violators by cutting off ads, not recommending them and, as a last resort, banning them. But by doing so they have plunged deeper into thorny debates about censorship. Last year YouTube banned certain kinds of gun-demonstration videos. In January the platform said it would no longer recommend videos that misinform users in harmful ways, like certain conspiracy theories and quack medical cures.
It also banned videos of dangerous pranks, some of which have caused children to hurt themselves. He said there would be more changes in the coming weeks. Governments meanwhile are taking direct action to curb content that they deem inappropriate. Even in America, where social media has been largely unregulated, members of Congress are drafting measures that would give significant powers of oversight to the Federal Trade Commission and restrict how online platforms supply content to children, an area where YouTube is especially vulnerable.
Ms Wojcicki says she needs no persuading to take further action against unsavoury material. Yet YouTube does not plan to rethink the fundamental tenets that it should be open to free expression, that people around the world should have the right to upload and view content instantly and live , and that recommendation algorithms are an appropriate way to identify and serve up content. Children are served up nursery rhymes and Disney, but sometimes also inappropriate content and infomercials. YouTube executives say that if parents let their children watch videos unsupervised, it should be on YouTube Kids, a separate platform created in When pressed on the subject, executives insist that the site is not meant for children under 13 years old without adult supervision.
YouTube has acted more decisively in other circumstances. Its crack down on terrorist-recruitment and -propaganda videos in early used machine learning and newly hired specialists. There was an obvious incentive to do it. This adds to the impression that YouTube lacks a sense of urgency in identifying its problems, and responds most rapidly when advertisers are aggrieved.
Ms Wojcicki disputes this, saying she began to recognise the increasing risks of abuse of the platform in , as it became clear more people were using YouTube for news, information and commentary on current events. This rhetoric will sound familiar to anyone who has heard Mark Zuckerberg, who built a reputation for cutting corners in the pursuit of global dominance, when he talks about the challenges confronting Facebook see article. Jack Dorsey, boss of Twitter, has also been excoriated for doing too little to control abusive trolls and hate speech.
She sounds utterly convincing when she talks about trying to make YouTube a force for good and seems more sincere than Mr Zuckerberg when it comes to minimising the harm her company causes. But even Mr Zuckerberg has conceded that Facebook needs more government regulation. While the need for regulation might be clear, the details of what should be regulated, and how, are messy and controversial. Few free-speech advocates, even in Silicon Valley, are zealous enough to want to permit beheading videos from Islamic State or the live-streaming of massacres.
Yet most of the questions about content moderation that YouTube wrestles with are much less clear-cut. YouTube appears to be weighing whether to ban white nationalists, for example. If it does so, should the site also ban commentators who routinely engage in more subtle conspiracy theories meant to incite hatred? Ms Wojcicki is conscious of the slippery slope platforms are on, and fears being criticised for censorship and bias.
Another important question will be how to go about enforcing restrictions. The tech firms hope that AI will be up to the job. History is not reassuring.
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AI has been trained for straightforward tasks like spotting copyright violations. But even with low error rates the volume of mistakes at scale remains immense.
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The big platforms already employ thousands of human moderators. They will have to hire thousands more. Given the complexities, wise governments will proceed deliberately.http://ns2.yepi10games.org/conocer-gente-mejores-aplicaciones.php
Current and previous issues | The Economist
What, besides free trade and free markets, does The Economist believe in? The extreme centre is the paper's historical position". That is as true today as when Crowther [Geoffrey, Economist editor —] said it in The Economist considers itself the enemy of privilege, pomposity and predictability. It has backed conservatives such as Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher. It has supported the Americans in Vietnam. But it has also endorsed Harold Wilson and Bill Clinton , and espoused a variety of liberal causes: opposing capital punishment from its earliest days, while favouring penal reform and decolonisation, as well as—more recently—gun control and gay marriage.
The Economist frequently accuses figures and countries of corruption or dishonesty. Though The Economist initially gave vigorous support for the US-led invasion of Iraq , it later called the operation "bungled from the start" and criticised the "almost criminal negligence" of the Bush Administration's handling of the war, while maintaining, in , that pulling out in the short term would be irresponsible. In an editorial marking its th anniversary, The Economist criticised adherents to liberalism for becoming too inclined to protect the political status quo rather than pursue reform.
Though it has many individual columns, by tradition and current practice the magazine ensures a uniform voice—aided by the anonymity of writers—throughout its pages,  as if most articles were written by a single author, which may be perceived to display dry, understated wit, and precise use of language. The Economist ' s treatment of economics presumes a working familiarity with fundamental concepts of classical economics.
For instance, it does not explain terms like invisible hand , macroeconomics , or demand curve , and may take just six or seven words to explain the theory of comparative advantage. Articles involving economics do not presume any formal training on the part of the reader and aim to be accessible to the educated layman. It usually does not translate short French and German quotes or phrases. It does describe the business or nature of even well-known entities, writing, for example, "Goldman Sachs, an investment bank". The Economist is known for its extensive use of word play , including puns, allusions, and metaphors, as well as alliteration and assonance, especially in its headlines and captions.
This can make it difficult to understand for those who are not native English speakers. Articles often take a definite editorial stance and almost never carry a byline. Not even the name of the editor since , Zanny Minton Beddoes  is printed in the issue. It is a long-standing tradition that an editor's only signed article during their tenure is written on the occasion of their departure from the position. The author of a piece is named in certain circumstances: when notable persons are invited to contribute opinion pieces; when journalists of The Economist compile special reports previously known as surveys ; for the Year in Review special edition; and to highlight a potential conflict of interest over a book review.
The names of The Economist editors and correspondents can be located on the media directory pages of the website. The editors say this is necessary because "collective voice and personality matter more than the identities of individual journalists"  and reflects "a collaborative effort". The writers of the titled opinion columns tend to refer to themselves by the title hence, a sentence in the "Lexington" column might read "Lexington was informed The American author Michael Lewis has criticised the magazine's editorial anonymity, labelling it a means to hide the youth and inexperience of those writing articles.
American Economic Review - Issues
In Lewis quipped: "The magazine is written by young people pretending to be old people If American readers got a look at the pimply complexions of their economic gurus, they would cancel their subscriptions in droves". John Ralston Saul describes The Economist as a " This sales technique, reminiscent of pre-Reformation Catholicism, is not surprising in a publication named after the social science most given to wild guesses and imaginary facts presented in the guise of inevitability and exactitude.
That it is the Bible of the corporate executive indicates to what extent received wisdom is the daily bread of a managerial civilization. Each of The Economist issue's official date range is from Saturday to the following Friday. The Economist posts each week's new content online at approximately Thursday evening UK time, ahead of the official publication date. In , the publication's circulation was 3,, and in it had risen to 6, Circulation increased rapidly after , reaching , by From around 30, in it has risen to near 1 million by and by to about 1. The Economist claims sales, both by subscription and at newsagents, in over countries.
The Economist once boasted about its limited circulation. In the early s it used the slogan " The Economist — not read by millions of people". Sir Evelyn Robert de Rothschild was Chairman of the company from to The Economist frequently receives letters from senior businesspeople, politicians, ambassadors, and from spokespeople for various government departments, non-governmental organisations and lobbies.
Well-written or witty responses from anyone are considered, and controversial issues frequently produce a torrent of letters. Many of the letters published are critical of its stance or commentary. After The Economist ran a critique of Amnesty International and human rights in general in its issue dated 24 March , its letters page ran a vibrant reply from Amnesty, as well as several other letters in support of the organisation, including one from the head of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights.
It is extremely rare for any comment by The Economist to appear alongside any published letter. Letters published in the news magazine are typically between and words long and began with the salutation "Sir" until the editorship of Zanny Minton Beddoes, the first female editor; they now have no salutation. Previous to a change in procedure, all responses to on-line articles were usually published in "The Inbox". The Economist ' s primary focus is world events, politics and business, but it also runs regular sections on science and technology as well as books and the arts.
Approximately every two weeks, the publication includes an in-depth special report  previously called surveys on a given topic. Every three months, it publishes a technology report called Technology Quarterly  or TQ, a special section focusing on recent trends and developments in science and technology. The company records the full text of the news magazine in mp3 format, including the extra pages in the UK edition.
The weekly MB download is free for subscribers and available for a fee for non-subscribers. The publication's writers adopt a tight style that seeks to include the maximum amount of information in a limited space. Bradley , publisher of The Atlantic , described the formula as "a consistent world view expressed, consistently, in tight and engaging prose".
There is a section of economic statistics. Tables such as employment statistics are published each week and there are special statistical features too. It is unique among British weeklies in providing authoritative coverage of official statistics and its rankings of international statistics have been decisive.
It is printed at seven sites around the world. Known on their website as "This week's print edition", it is available online, albeit with only the first five viewed articles being free and available to subscribers only mid-October — The Economist published in its first US college rankings, focused on comparable economical advantages defined as 'the economic value of a university is equal to the gap between how much its students subsequently earn, and how much they might have made had they studied elsewhere'.
Based on set of strict criteria sourced from US Department of Education "College Scorecard" with relevant 'expected earnings' and multiple statistics applied in calculation of 'median earnings' conclusive evaluation method has been applied to run the scorecard's earnings data through a multiple regression analysis, a common method of measuring the relationships between variables.
The Economist also produces the annual The World in [ Year ] publication. It also sponsors a writing award. The Economist sponsors the yearly "Economist Innovation Awards", in the categories of bioscience, computing and communications, energy and the environment, social and economic innovation, business-process innovation, consumer products, and a special "no boundaries" category. Nominations are held between 2 and 30 April. The award ceremony is then hosted on 15 November. Choices are based on the following factors: .
In , The Economist organised a global futurist writing competition, The World in Sections of The Economist criticising authoritarian regimes are frequently removed from the magazine by the authorities in those countries. The Economist regularly has difficulties with the ruling party of Singapore, the People's Action Party , which had successfully sued it, in a Singaporean court, for libel. Like many other publications, The Economist is subjected to censorship in India whenever it depicts a map of Kashmir. The maps are stamped by Indian Customs officials as being "neither correct, nor authentic".
Issues are sometimes delayed, but not stopped or seized. On 15 June , Iran banned the sale of The Economist when it published a map labelling the Persian Gulf simply as Gulf—a choice that derives its political significance from the Persian Gulf naming dispute. In a separate incident, the government of Zimbabwe went further and imprisoned The Economist ' s correspondent there, Andrew Meldrum. The government charged him with violating a statute on "publishing untruth" for writing that a woman was decapitated by supporters of the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union — Patriotic Front party.
The decapitation claim was retracted  and allegedly fabricated by the woman's husband. The correspondent was later acquitted, only to receive a deportation order. According to the letter sent by the department, prisoners were not allowed to receive the issue because "1. In , James Fallows argued in The Washington Post that The Economist used editorial lines that contradicted the news stories they purported to highlight. He also said that The Economist is editorially constrained because so many scribes graduated from the same college at Oxford University , Magdalen College.
In , the Chicago Tribune named it the best English-language magazine noting its strength in international reporting where it does not feel moved to cover a faraway land only at a time of unmitigated disaster" and that it kept a wall between its reporting and its more conservative editorial policies. In , Jon Meacham , former editor of Newsweek and a self-described "fan", criticised The Economist 's focus on analysis over original reporting.
In , the magazine withdrew a harshly-criticised review of a book by Edward Baptist on slavery and American capitalism. The Economist had complained that "[a]lmost all the blacks in his book are victims, almost all the whites villains". In following an interview of right-wing commentator Ben Shapiro , The Economist published an article on their website that included in its title a description of Shapiro as "an alt-right sage" and stated that he was "a pop-idol of the alt-right". Shapiro, a vociferous critic of the alt-right, was the number one recipient of anti-semitic attacks online in as measured by the Anti-Defamation League , almost exclusively from alt-right actors criticizing his then-opposition to Donald Trump 's presidential candidacy.
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Please improve this by adding secondary or tertiary sources. Cover of the 8 September issue of The Economist [a]. Main article: The Economist editorial stance. The Economist. Retrieved 24 April Retrieved 16 October Retrieved 22 June Economist Group. Retrieved 12 September City of Westminster. Retrieved 28 August The Guardian. Retrieved 15 August Retrieved 1 December The Independent. Retrieved 27 April Retrieved 21 September Retrieved 26 July Archived from the original on 7 September Retrieved 27 December